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So trostlos der Empfang für die Werkself an ihrem Teamhotel am Potsdamer Platz auch war, so emotional geriet die.

Unusually enough, the dictator himself now took over the leadership of the OKH. I again request that in future the stipulation, nature, and scale of punitive measures should be left to me.

Such a measure is sure to have a powerful effect. Nevertheless, the OKH gave him a clear rebuff. At the same time, this statement revealed the change that the relations between the military commander in France and his superiors in the Wehrmacht had undergone.

He tendered his resignation on 15 February At the same time, however, it was an admission that hardly anything was left of the initial political and administrative general authority of the military commander.

Furthermore, all of the units of the Secret Field Police Geheime Feldpolizei were placed under the command of the HSSPF, and the officials in charge in the military administration were integrated into the Security Police.

A clearer expression of the victory of the SS over the Wehrmacht is hard to imagine. The assumption that the increase in power of the SS and the almost complete translation of the organizational model of the RSHA for the police to the occupied zone led, in themselves, to a radicalization of the German repressive measures would be mistaken.

In particular, he, Heydrich, was of the opinion that the system of hostage executions was out of place in France. Thus, in cases of resistance by the population, it was the foremost task of the HSSPF to establish the identity of the perpetrators and to punish them.

Then this success can also be achieved. Then it will be possible to refrain from hostage executions. The result was a tactical shift in course by the SS leadership in France, which found itself forced to place the impending mass deportations of Jews in the context of the general objectives of the occupation policy.

These two men knew each other well, since they had worked together in the central department of the SD-Hauptamt Secret Services Main Office under Reinhard Heydrich from onward.

In the late s, Hagen, born in , served as director of the Department of Jewish Affairs Judenabteilung in the SDHauptamt, at the center of operations of the persecution of the Jews.

What qualified him for this role was the high level of his intelligence, attested by all postwar witnesses;4 his undoubted expertise in two key domains of SD activity, the persecution of the Jews and foreign espionage; his excellent relations to the two leading figures in these areas in Paris up to that time, Knochen and Dannecker; and, not least, his excellent command of French.

Hitler had personally conferred Iron Crosses First Class on the participants in the SD commando unit including Knochen. Until the beginning of January , he had been director of Gestapo department II B concerned with religious groups, Jews, Freemasons, emigrants, and pacifists in the RSHA.

Among the leading SS personnel in Paris, Lischka was the one with the most practical experience when it came to conducting repressive measures of whatever kind, whether against the Jews or against political opponents of the National Socialist regime or of the German occupying power.

This carried even more weight in view of the fact that his superior, Knochen, had no personal experience in police matters.

He came from the same unit within Amt IV of the RSHA as Knochen and Hagen and, having been born in , also belonged to the same age-group.

In , he first became a member of the SS and shortly thereafter joined the NSDAP. Dannecker was evidently an alcoholic. In , he was reprimanded on disciplinary grounds for drunkenness while on duty and for making false entries in the guard book of the Oranienburg concentration camp.

In other words, the divergences were inconsequential as long as the treatment of the Jews had not become a contentious political issue in relations between the German occupying power and the national authorities and their representatives.

The key figure in the German Embassy was the counselor in the political department, Carltheo Zeitschel. Within the Foreign Service, he was a lateral entrant from the Nazi Party.

Zeitschel, who was born in , was trained as a physician and had been a member of the NSDAP since and hence held the Gold Honor Party Badge Goldenes Parteiabzeichen.

For a brief period in , he was consul in Nigeria, where he narrowly escaped internment by the British. The latter not only could count on the loyal support of the German military administration but also received further, radicalizing impulses following the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June and the resulting attacks on Wehrmacht institutions.

The ongoing anti-Jewish laws and ordinances, by contrast, were a matter for the Vichy authorities and the German military administration.

By contrast, the military administration, represented in this instance by Werner Best as head of the Administration Section, made a plea for postponing this measure on the grounds that, following the change in leadership of the Judenkommissariat from Vallat to Darquier de Pellepeoix, the French authorities could be expected to introduce the Star of David badge on their own account.

Following a series of attacks on members of the German Wehrmacht in late April and early May , Knochen, in a conversation with Abetz, secured the consent of the embassy to the immediate introduction of the Star of David badge in the occupied territories, which Zeitschel promptly communicated to Dannecker by telephone on 4 May It was transformed into a compromise that shattered the dreams cherished in the meantime by both Dannecker and Eichmann, and as a matter of occupation policy, it was made contingent on the consent of the government in Vichy.

The compliance of the military administration and the embassy with the planned introduction of the Star of David badge on 7 June was the final process in which the rivalry between the Wehrmacht and the SS still played a certain role in the implementation of the persecution measures.

With the appointment of the HSSPF, these tensions were a thing of the past, at least when it came to the repressive measures in general and the persecution of the Jews in particular.

At the operative level, the preparations for the deportation of the Jews were transposed to a new dimension, but at the political level, the fundamental question of the effectiveness of the French police organization and the reliability of the collaboration relations between the relevant German and French authorities was placed on the agenda.

Heydrich had a clear perception of the dilemma of the occupation policy of, on the one hand, having to supervise the domestic security apparatus while, on the other, having only limited personnel resources at its disposal for this task.

In particular, he, Heydrich, was of the opinion that the system of hostage executions was misplaced in France. It amounted to an admission of failure on the part of the police.

Thus the foremost task of the HSSPF in cases of resistance by the population was to establish the identity of the perpetrators and to inflict the punishment.

He had to succeed in securing the involvement of the French police and then this success would also be achievable.

Actor Constellation and Strategic and Tactical Dispositions on the French Side Among the framework conditions for implementing the decisions of the Wannsee Conference in France was a complete overhaul of personnel, which had occurred in the first half of in the relevant authorities on both sides, the French as well as the German.

The changes on the French side were even more sweeping. On 18 April , Pierre Laval returned to power as head of government Chef du gouvernement , a position newly created for him.

On the German side, however, there could not be any question of a coherent policy toward France, with regard either to the linkage between strategic and tactical initiatives or to the coordination among the relevant actors.

Good relations to Vichy had value for Hitler himself and for the High Command of the Armed Forces Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, or OKW only as long and insofar as they were conducive to the German military objectives.

Among these objectives in and was, besides ensuring political and police security in the rear area, a possible military contribution by France to the conduct of the war against Great Britain in the Mediterranean.

Darlan was prepared to support the side that, in his estimation, had the better chances of victory.

In , this was, to all appearances, the Axis powers. Therefore, Darlan strove to achieve a series of concrete military agreements with Germany as well as to conclude a peace settlement before the end of military conflict with Great Britain that would presumably end in a victory for the Axis powers.

The envisaged settlement included rigorous measures against not only British but also German encroachments on French possessions and mandates in the Mediterranean region.

This meeting turned on reaching an understanding between the German and French sides to the effect that France would provide the Germans with logistical support and military infrastructure in North Africa.

In return, France expected the German side to make concessions toward reducing the costs of the occupation, accelerating the release of its prisoners of war, and attenuating the inspection regime at the line of demarcation between the occupied and unoccupied parts of the French mainland, together with a number of further, more minor improvements in the situation of the French armed forces.

However, this did not prevent the men in the second and third tiers on both sides from repeatedly sounding out the room for maneuver in collaboration policy and from reaching concrete agreements in particular cases.

This remained valid, at any rate, for the years and , when both French support in securing the German flanks in the Mediterranean region and a resulting tactical deference to the domestic and foreign political constraints under which the government in Vichy operated had not yet lost their importance.

The same event that markedly weakened the interest of the German leadership in consolidating relations with France, the invasion of the Soviet Union, mobilized new support for Germany in Vichy, in the spirit of the joint combat against Bolshevism.

The military and logistical concessions to Germany had, for the present, only led to the loss of the Syrian mandate territories, while substantive reciprocal measures from the German side had failed to materialize.

The meeting brought no results for the French side, whereas the German side at least provisionally secured replenishment deliveries to the Africa Corps through Tunis.

He nevertheless remained commander in chief of the French armed forces even after his dismissal. This appointment signaled a tactical reversal on the French side.

Laval had no truck with the geopolitical ambitions of his predecessor. He was content to make declarations of loyalty to the presumptive future hegemonic power Germany, yet from this supposedly stable basis, he worked tenaciously to exact concessions from the German side in numerous detailed matters of French domestic policy.

The Franco-German police agreement of 8 August would assume central importance in this regard. Laval had been one of the most accomplished politicians of the Third Republic31 and had already been a symbol of the collaboration during his period in office as vice president of the Council of Ministers, which had ended abruptly on 13 December As such, he was again the man of the hour.

He was optimally equipped to achieve this at the institutional level, because along with his appointment as head of government, he had secured for himself the ministries of the interior, foreign affairs, and information.

Bousquet was not yet 33 years old at the time of his appointment as head of all of the French police forces. When it came to his age, his career, and his habitus, he closely resembled his partners on the German side, particularly Knochen and Hagen.

That disposition met with respect on the side of the SS. This was precisely the line endorsed by Heydrich during his visit to Paris in May In France, this convergence of interests found its outstanding exponents in Bousquet, on the one side, and Oberg and Knochen, on the other.

Police Reform and Collaboration Policy In the police reform that he immediately set about realizing, Bousquet faced quite exceptional challenges, because the already deeply fragmented French police organization had undergone additional, politically motivated differentiations since May under the previous interior minister, Pierre Pucheu.

A reform had been carried out in principle as early as April , also under Pucheu, when overall authority for all police forces was conferred on the newly installed regional prefects.

Under a police director adjunct to the regional prefect, three commissaires divisionaires had responsibility for the constabulary, the criminal police, and the domestic intelligence service.

As a result, Bousquet was at the head of the bulk of the armed forces that remained under French control on the mainland under the terms of the armistice agreement.

In September , responsibility for the prison administrations was likewise concentrated in the Ministry of the Interior.

The specific purpose of the GMR was to combat possible domestic riots. Along with the militia see below , the GMR proved to be a particularly brutal opponent of the resistance from onward.

However, frictions arose when the internal contradictions within the Vichy regime and the political and social forces that supported it, on the one hand, and the contradictory expectations and demands of the German occupying power, on the other, affected the organization of the police.

Bousquet was determined to carry out the disbanding of the PQJ, which duly occurred on 5 July , just before the deportations began.

It was explicitly intended to satisfy Darquier and to ensure the continued availability of the personnel of the former PQJ to assist in monitoring the observance of the anti-Jewish laws and ordinances and their implementation.

The gradual establishment of the later notorious Milice, likewise a product of the internal contradictions of the Vichy regime, represented an even more significant dilution of the police monopoly of the state.

It was forbidden in the northern zone. The SOL was likewise forbidden in the occupied zone. Finally, the Franc-Garde was founded in June as the regular armed branch of the Milice, and Jean de Vaugelas became its commander.

At least by the time it was armed in late , the Milice had established itself as an independent power factor that, during the remaining nine months of the occupation, was recognized as such on the German side by the SS and police leadership and was instrumentalized as far as possible.

French Police, German Interests, and the Dynamics of the Repressive Policy The structure of the French repressive apparatus under German occupation exhibited thus a contradictory picture.

On the one hand, the occupying power sought to rationalize and centralize the domestic police and to nationalize the large communal contingents.

In the process, it made preferential use of those professionals or able technocrats who could be regarded as loyal collaborators. Nevertheless, as long as the military commander and his staff still enjoyed a monopoly over decisions in matters of policing, they were also able to exploit the weaknesses of the French police organization and to play the various rivaling authorities against each other.

On the other hand, through the rationalization and centralization of the police, the French side ultimately played into the hands of the occupying power.

This dilemma exercised the police leaderships throughout occupied Europe wherever the German occupying power left the domestic administration and police organizationally intact.

Moreover, the French case is also a concrete example of the fact that the police reform did not resolve the internal contradictions of a collaboration regime resulting from its unstable power base.

The arming of the Milice in the fall of with German assistance provides graphic proof of this. Moreover, the loyalty of the machinery of state toward the government in Vichy and its policy of collaboration continued to depend entirely on the military course of the war and the resulting prospects for the postwar system.

It was far from certain how the French police would behave following an Allied landing on French soil. On the one hand, the mechanism of preemptive obedience remained in effect for the regular police forces, a mechanism whose source was the endeavor of the French police leadership to deny the occupying power the pretext for encroaching on French administrative competences.

These were the structural and occupation policy foundations of the rapid radicalization and brutalization of the collaboration regime during the final phase of the German occupation.

This was similar to the situation in the Netherlands and Belgium. There, especially in the second half of the German occupation, spies, informers, and ideologically motivated collaborators formed, as it were, the capillary system on the periphery of the machinery of persecution,56 whose center, the persecution of the Jews founded on state collaboration, became increasingly unstable as the end of the occupation approached.

The presuppositions for this were created in his conversation with Heydrich in the second week of May Moreover, he recognized in Bousquet the fellow spirit he required on the French side as a politically reliable and professionally accomplished partner.

The twofold logic of exchange and rivalry initially led to a mobilization of the anti-Jewish persecution mechanisms that the German occupying power would not have been able to achieve through hierarchical directives and with its own personnel.

It is significant that, given the political and administrative preparations required for this, the overall number of Jews to be deported from France in was fixed at not more than 6, In the meantime, the deportation program originally agreed on, with a target of 6, Jews to be deported, continued.

The first consignment of 27 March was followed by a second on 5 June , in which 1, Jews were deported to Auschwitz.

Four further transports followed on 22 and 28 June and 17 and 19 July , each of which conveyed around 1, deportees to Auschwitz.

In the 11 June meeting, a deportation quota for France of , Jews was agreed on, an exorbitant figure in the light of the plans up to that point. For the Netherlands, the quota envisaged was 15,; for Belgium, 10, In specifying this enormous deportation rate for France, however, which was supposed to be realized through about three transports per week beginning on 13 July , Dannecker had got ahead of himself in several respects.

In the meeting in the RSHA between Eichmann and the desk officers for Jewish Affairs for Holland, Belgium, and France on 11 June , this had contributed, in no small part, to the fixing of the high deportation quota for France.

When it came to the victims of the repressive measures conducted by the French authorities against the Jews either independently or in preemptive obedience to the Germans , there was a certain homogeneity of interests between Vichy and the representatives of the SS and Gestapo from the outset.

This concerned the foreign Jews who were interned based on the Vichy law of 4 October Dannecker had taken this into account. First, however, Dannecker was forced to make a drastic reduction in the deportation quota envisaged for France.

The main topic of a meeting on 16 June between Oberg, Knochen, and Bousquet was the planned agreements on the division of competences between the German and French police forces.

Hagen took part in the meeting as note taker, though his transcript has not survived. From various additional notes from both the French and German sides, we know that fundamental matters of Franco-German competences, on the one hand, and the deportation of the Jews, on the other, were discussed.

This statement is false! Of course, this in no way altered the fact that Dannecker pressed for a speedy commencement of the deportations on the scale envisaged.

A new meeting had been scheduled in the RSHA for 2 July , and the regular deportations, in a rhythm of three trains per week, were supposed to start on 13 July.

Bousquet, in turn, had recorded the dispositions for the negotiations with the German side in a letter to Oberg of 18 June The letter has been transmitted in two versions: a detailed draft version90 and a shorter version that was actually sent and was supplemented by an attachment, in which the principles of the Franco-German collaboration in the area of policing were summarized from the perspective of the Vichy government.

If only to save face toward Oberg and Knochen, Bousquet could not accept the stipulation of an SS officer with the rank of a captain. His report to Laval must have read accordingly.

Monsieur Leguay had been called to a meeting by Captain Dannecker. According to Dannecker, the agreements require 10, Jews to be interned.

Monsieur Pierre Laval declares that he never made such an agreement. A fundamental error. It will be negative. After all, his note was intended directly for Knochen.

Therefore, Klarsfeld sees this statement by Dannecker to Leguay as a crude attempt to put pressure on Oberg and Knochen.

On the one hand, he made the SS look like an ineffectual negotiation partner whose assurances concerning police autonomy apparently were not to be trusted.

That already violated the new policy inaugurated by Heydrich in France. Perhaps Eichmann and his people in the RSHA had also given him the impression that he could confidently seek to gain the upper hand in dealings with Oberg and Knochen after the death of their patron Heydrich.

It is reasonably certain, however, that with his behavior toward Leguay, he had provided the decisive stimulus for his dismissal, which followed four weeks later.

At the end of June , Dannecker felt strong enough to confront simultaneously both the representative of the Vichy government in his area of responsibility and his own superiors.

The assumption that this was connected with the power vacuum in the leadership of the RSHA is supported by the fact that, on 30 June , Adolf Eichmann appeared in person in Paris.

Eichmann first met privately with Dannecker in Paris and then met with Knochen accompanied by Dannecker.

A note by Eichmann dated 1 July on his conversation with Dannecker has been preserved. The Paris bureau must ensure that the pace previously stipulated be maintained in the interest of the smooth conduct of the Final Solution to the Jewish Question.

In plain language, this could only mean that the binding pledges that Eichmann had demanded of Knochen were not to be had and that, in this case too, Eichmann wanted to make clear to his superiors that he, at any rate, had not spared any effort.

In fact, one does get the impression that Eichmann, who, after all, had rushed to Paris on a kind of fire brigade mission specifically to get things moving, now wanted to be drawn as little as possible into the operative implementation of the deportation program, so as not to be made jointly responsible for its possible failure.

It was the second meeting of this kind following the talks between Oberg, Knochen, and Bousquet on 16 June On the French side, only Bousquet appeared, accompanied by an interpreter.

This alone can explain why Pellepoix has not yet been granted a budget. Instead he wishes to leave the conduct of these arrests to the occupation forces.

If things had been left at this, then it must have been clear to Knochen at this moment that the deportation plan of the RSHA, even in its reduced form, was obsolete.

At this point, therefore, the conversation was unexpectedly teetering on the brink of failure. However, Bousquet, Oberg, and Knochen could not afford such a failure.

He added that this was also how the Marshal saw the matter. This is why this attitude alone will govern our measures, not that of the French government.

This signaled that the German side considered the conduct of the arrests of the Jews by the French police in the occupied zone to be a political matter of the very highest order.

At this moment, Knochen and Bousquet had exhausted their hands. Bousquet had already achieved notable successes in the course of the conversation up to that point.

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